Monthly Archives: November 2017

Why I’m No Longer Talking to White People About Race

I confess, I bought Reni Eddo-Lodge’s “Why I’m No Longer Talking to White People About Race” for its provocative title. As American democracy unravels and the ugly white supremacy it was all built on emerges like Dorian Gray’s portrait, I have noticed many black Americans simply giving up on white Americans. Sadly, that includes me. Fortunately, and despite the title of her book, Eddo-Lodge has kept talking about race — to whites and blacks alike.

The book offers reader a great overview of British race problems — which are, not surprisingly, much like our own in America. Police killings, redlining, civil rights abuses, organized racists and nationalists, disappointing liberals — race in Britain could be a parallel universe, though it has its own features. Second, this is a book by a black British feminist, which offers us a view of the intersection between race and gender. And as a second-generation Briton, Eddo-Lodge also discusses how class and wealth intersect as well.

Eddo-Lodge has a wonderful chapter that differentiates structural racism from raw bigotry, and she takes an effective stab at white privilege and the notion of so-called “reverse racism.” In another chapter she interviews far-right BNP leader Nick Griffin. In another she describes how feminism was a gateway to her understanding of race. And she has much to say about white feminists.

One of the best lines in the book comes from the ending of the chapter “Fear of a Black Planet”:

“The paradox, of course, is that those who oppose anti-racism have worked themselves into quite the double-bind. It’s a bit of a Schroedinger’s cat situation. If, as they say, racism doesn’t exist, and black people have nothing to complain about, why are they so afraid of white people becoming the new minority?”

“Why I’m No Longer Talking to White People About Race” is filled with statistics, polls, case studies, and individual stories; and it ends with thirteen pages of footnotes. But not before offering readers suggestions on fighting racism — or staying sane while surviving it.

Of Great Books and Old White Men

The culture wars are nothing new.

Even a hundred years ago White America had seen the writing on the wall. It knew its power was about to peak and would eventually decline. It also knew that culture war would be a potent brake on the process.

And so the Western canon — a curriculum exalting Western empire — was developed. In 1909 Harvard University’s 51-volume “Harvard Classics” was published. It represented what any well-educated man of the time should know. The Classics were overwhelmingly those of ancient Greek and Roman empires and the rising colonial empires of Europe and America who saw themselves as rightful inheritors. Three non-Western texts were included — the Sayings of Confucius, the Bhagavad-Gita, and several surahs from the Qu’ran. But it was largely a white, Christian — and overwhelmingly male — curriculum.

In 1952 Great Books of the Western World was published by Encyclopedia Britannica. This time the volumes targeted not an academic audience but businessmen who wanted to fill in educational gaps — and put some nice-looking books on their mahogony shelves. Robert Hutchins, a founder of the project along with Mortimer Adler, announced the books at a ceremony at the Waldorf-Astoria, saying: “This is more than a set of books, and more than a liberal education. Great Books of the Western World is an act of piety. Here are the sources of our being. Here is our heritage. This is the West. This is its meaning for mankind.” One meaning the selection made crystal clear — only the West was of importance to a well-educated man. Confucius, the Hindus, and Muhammad had been banished from even token appearances this time around.

In 1994 academic Harold Bloom — no WASP but another old white male who called himself a “Jewish Gnostic” — came up with another reading list promoting Western civilization: The Western Canon: The Books and School of the Ages. Bloom’s list focused on 26 authors and now represented what some were calling the Judeo-Christian tradition, although he had added a smattering — and a strangely idiosyncratic selection — of “international” writers. Despite being an update for a post-war America that had received undeniable contributions from Jews, Bloom’s “canon” remained one more reading list of largely dead white men written by a member of a slightly, and only reluctantly, enlarged club.

Around this time another Bloom — University of Chicago professor Allan Bloom — published The Closing of the American Mind, which argued that abandoning the Western canon would dumb down students, plunge them into moral relativism, and that modern (and international) culture was bereft of civilizing influences. The book became required reading for neoconservatives like Dinesh D’Souza who himself published one with a similar theme. But what disturbed conservatives the most was that students and academics questioned whether the Western canon actually represented all that was best about the “democratic” Western world — or whether its main purpose was to defend reactionary, colonial, and elitist traditions. Even the other Bloom — Harold — chimed in: “We are destroying all intellectual and esthetic standards in the humanities and social sciences, in the name of social justice.”

Social justice. God forbid.

The Civil Rights movement had been a shock, and the Sixties were bad enough for conservatives. But now students at Ivy League institutions were turning their backs on the Western world — or at least looking occasionally in other directions. These students were painted as lazy, spoiled children of privilege or angry, ungrateful, minority upstarts spitting on what democracy, consumer culture, and affirmative action had graciously afforded them. They wanted to read post-Colonial literature — Black Americans, Africans, Palestinians, Latin Americans, and Asians. Conservatives saw college students under the sway of Svengali academics attacking all that European civilization had done for those they had colonized.

For decades Joseph Campbell was known for books on mythology, comparative religion, and literature. Even today Campbell’s studies of the folk tale and, specifically, the “Hero’s Journey,” are known by just about every working screenwriter — and now even ISIS. But while the Western canon’s treatment of mythology was limited to Europe — mainly Greece, Germany, and Scandinavia — as early as 1952 Campbell slammed the omission of other cultures in his introduction to the Viking Press Portable Edition of Arabian Nights. Campbell took specific aim at the Great Books:

“… it is remarkable how little is admitted of the Muslim contribution to our culture by those histories (hundreds appear every year) that rehearse the outdated schoolbook story about the Greeks and the Renaissance. In a recent list of”Great Books” not a single volume (save the Bible) is named from east of Suez: Calvin is there, but not Mohammed; Hobbes, but not Confucius; the Iliad (which for the past twenty-five hundred years has had no influence whatsoever on civilization, save as an unmastered model for the litterateurs), but not the Mahabharata (which, during the same period, has been the spiritual sustenance of billions of the world’s living people). One searches in vain for a single Buddhist text (the dominant faith of about one-third the world’s population), a single Oriental philosopher, a single poet or novelist of the great Chinese, Japanese, Arabian, or Hindu traditions. Such a list, in the present century, is ridiculous, and would be incredible were our Occidental megalomania not one of the most conspicuous of the world’s present ills.”

Occidental megalomania, indeed.

Fast forward seventy years and most would acknowledge that the old white men lost the Canon wars. But they do keep trying. In 2008 Americans elected a black president who had spent considerable time as a youngster in Asia — and white America didn’t like it. In 2010, former MIT literature professor, playwright, and old white man A.R. Gurney — best known for a play about a dog — wrote Office Hours, a contrived swipe at lazy plagiarizing students preoccupied with social justice and political correctness — and nasty academic feminists griping about old dead white men. Office Hours was a passionate defense — and among the last I can recall — of the Great Books, and the play had a mercifully short run.

Having lost the Canon wars, Conservatives now have abandoned their traditional role of defending tradition. Nowadays when it comes to higher education, their new strategy seems to be gutting the humanities, focusing on STEM education, licensing fly-by-night for-profit universities, embracing flat earth anti-intellectualism, rejecting science, and embracing creationism.

By the time the 2016 election rolled around, the old white men were in full panic. As always, the deck they had stacked and the bizarre election rules they had written guaranteed their presidency — even while losing by three million popular votes. But the gnarled white knuckles of these men are still clenched in a death grip on the levers of government, commerce, and culture.

But they can’t hold on forever. The known world today is no longer quite so flat, quite so white, quite so male, or quite as Western as it was in 1909.

Save Temporary Protective Status

Over 435,000 people – over 12,000 in Massachusetts alone – depend on Temporary Protected Status (TPS) to live and work legally in the U.S. TPS provides safe harbor for people from countries affected by violence or disasters, and it can be renewed for as long as it is unsafe to return.

But the Trump administration is ending TPS for people from Sudan, Nicaragua, and Haiti, and it is likely to do the same for Salvadorans and Hondurans.

If TPS is not extended, those — from all these countries — will lose work permits and be subject to deportation. And they’ll have to choose between splitting up their families or placing their children in danger.

We can’t let this happen.

Massachusetts’ entire Congressional delegation supports extending TPS, as does even Republican Governor Baker. But that’s not enough. We need them to actively fight both to save TPS, and to enable TPS holders to seek permanent residency.

TPS recipients are our friends, neighbors — even members of our families.

Please act now. Call Homeland Security at (202) 282-8495 and urge them to extend TPS for Honduras and El Salvador, and to reinstate protections for those it has terminated.

Then use this tool to email your elected officials.

Thank you, Betty McCollum

Finally. For the first time ever someone in Congress is doing something about Israel’s systematic abuse of Palestinian children — abuses that include torture and incarceration of kids as young as eight.

As Israel celebrates its 50th anniversary of land theft, martial law, and human rights abuses on Palestinians, Democratic Minnesota Congresswoman Betty McCollum quietly filed H.R.4391, the Promoting Human Rights by Ending Israeli Military Detention of Palestinian Children Act, which prevents U.S. tax dollars from supporting the “Israeli military’s ongoing detention and mistreatment of Palestinian children.” The bill has twelve cosponsors, all of them progressive Democrats.

H.R.4391 has been endorsed by the American Friends Service Committee, Amnesty International USA, Center for Constitutional Rights, Churches for Middle East Peace, Defense for Children International – Palestine, Friends Committee on National Legislation, Global Ministries of the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) and United Church of Christ, Jewish Voice for Peace, Mennonite Central Committee, Presbyterian Church (USA), the U.S. Campaign for Palestinian Rights, United Methodists for Kairos Response (UMKR), and United Methodist General Board of Church and Society.

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Read about it.

The progressive Jewish magazine +972 features a number of articles on Children Under Occupation.

Do something about it.

Sign a petition, write, call, or email your Congressman and ask them to co-sponsor H.R.4391.

Sign a petition

Take action

And remember.

When midterm elections come around, check if your Congressman cared enough to try to end child incarceration and torture.

If not, why are you supporting him?

Angry Men

Years ago I was leaving the supermarket with my daughter, then in kindergarten. I breezed past someone asking for money for a dog rescue — and she looked up at me, shocked and incensed: “Daddy, you’re mean!”

It really made me think. In short order I also stopped worrying about all the ways a panhandler could misuse the money I gave him. I stopped offering to buy him lunch when what he really wanted from me was cash. I had a pretty good idea where the money was going. But patronizing charity never seemed like a completely human gesture. Finally I took a page from the Talmud: when someone asks you for money, reach into your pocket and don’t even ask.

Of course, this makes you a compassionate chump. But it’s pretty liberating to give out of habit and not have to run through all the permutations like a tightly-wound investor. The reason for this, as I learned, is to avoid having your heart grow hard — to not permit yourself to become cruel.

And isn’t this what a human society and its justice system should be founded on? Compassion that errs on the side of — yes — even foolishness? We congratulate ourselves on our high standards for prosecution — beyond the shadow of a doubt. Our Constitution forbids cruel and unusual punishments, even for savage crimes. And once upon a time generosity and benefit of the doubt were even intended to be part of the justice system. But compassion has long dried up as we become increasingly the severe, judgmental Puritans who founded this country.

Justice tempered with compassion was also a feature of ancient Jewish halakha. A violent crime had to have two witnesses who saw it committed with their own eyes. Even when there was absolutely no doubt of guilt, if all twenty-three judges of the sanhedrin voted to convict the accused it was assumed that something had gone terribly wrong with the ruling — that some measure of compassion had been overlooked — and the man was acquitted.

But truth be told, we angry citizens are little more today than a mob hiding behind the respectable but vengeful face of the courts. We as individuals easily pronounce harsh online sentences on each other after taking only a moment to read a post. Lumped together as a jury, we vote to convict after obscenely short deliberations. The judges we appoint follow minimum sentencing guidelines to explicitly eliminate human compassion. For all our moral posturing, the mechanized justice we dispense is no wiser or kinder than a Taliban stoning or a Puritan witch burning. We have, in fact, perfected cruelty by putting it on an assembly line.

Ninety-five percent of violent crimes are never heard in court because most defendants in America today are pressured into plea deals by terrifying, inflated charges and poverty that eliminates any chance of an adequate defense. Prosecutors will convict on the basis of faulty evidence or bias, or community anger, or suppressed exculpatory evidence. In prison inmates can spend years behind bars for nonviolent crimes, or serve sentences largely in solitary. Our prison system is the largest in the world and it has become just another piece of a corrosive and exploitative capitalist economy.

Once a prisoner completes his sentence, society marks him with a scarlet “F” for felon and he becomes unemployable, disenfranchised, and a pariah for life. He is turned out onto the street with little more than cab fare, years of probation ahead, and few skills to feed himself or his family — once back in the world of upright, moral, angry men.

And when a death is involved the angry men demand blood that can only be appeased by the state’s own murder of the guilty. It sounds almost like the sick satanic ritual it is: the condemned is injected with concoctions of poisonous drugs, whose provenance and composition are kept secret, while onlookers peer through curtains as the man gasps and chokes and suffers on a gurney overseen by a physician who has renounced his promise to, first, do no harm.

Without reforms long recognized but never implemented because they might make us all compassionate chumps, the judicial system continues to tilt toward injustice, the twisted, and the cruel. The very notion of mercy has been completely excised from the courts. Rehabilitation may have once been a fleeting ideal, but it can no longer be found in prisons operated increasingly by get-tough political grandstanders.

All that remains of the justice system today is the angry, vengeful state doing the work of its angry, vengeful citizens, demanding blood and usually getting it.

Original Sin

American history is not simply the tales of presidents, generals and explorers — or of the many wars to which the U.S. has sent its children. History is not some abstract account of other people. Our own families and communities have created traces that demand to be viewed in the mirror of history. American history, then — our history — is both a personal story and a personal reckoning.

Almost twenty years ago I became interested in genealogy. My mother’s ancestors lived in the United States long before it became a republic. They can be traced back five or six centuries to little Welsh and English villages, and somebody somewhere has a book with all the dry details of begats, property transfers, and manumissions of slaves. Slave ownership among white families, even by Northerners, is a dirty little secret some would rather forget.

In among all the yellowing photo albums is a picture of my mother as a two month old, cradled in the arms of an old black woman. Below the photo, in my mother’s scrawl: Louisa was born a slave.

Louisa was born a slave
Louisa was born a slave

Of course, this was 1930, it was the South, and much has changed since then.

But, as Charlottesville reminded us not that long ago, a lot has not changed. Slavery may be gone, but it ended recently enough that we still find reminders in our family albums. For Louisa, the Jim Crow South kept her living in poverty, taking care of someone else’s children, her sons farming for someone else, and it placed incalculable obstacles before her grandchildren. For all the recent talk of flags and monuments and legacy, it is not so much Confederate (or Union) symbols but racist institutions that represent our true heritage. And like our family albums, these institutions persist to this day.

Many view white supremacy as dead and cold as Confederate statues. Yet the white supremacy on which slavery was based is hot and pulsing, alive and malign. White supremacy is such a major part of the national DNA that it has shaped our justice and economic systems, healthcare, immigration, foreign policy, policing, the prison system — every aspect of American life, North and South. It is the source of America’s great wealth, our expeditionary militarism, and a daily contributor to income inequality. White supremacy lies behind the doctrines of Manifest Destiny and American Exceptionalism. White supremacy has justified most of our wars of choice, not just the Civil War. And just like actual DNA, white supremacy seems to be transmitted across generations like a deadly gene.

My mother once told me an unflattering story about her own mother. It was 1940 and Franklin Delano Roosevelt had been president for eight years. Like Obama, Roosevelt was despised throughout the South and was accused of being a race traitor and a Communist. For all the epithets hurled at FDR by my grandmother and those like her, the New Deal had improved the lives of poor people of every race and America was changing — and for the better. On one particular day in April that year, a black census lady came to my grandmother’s front door. My grandmother told her crisply to go to the back. The census worker replied, “I can do it here, or not at all.”

She didn’t know it at the time, but my grandmother’s world had already changed — into something she would never accept. A genteel Sunday school teacher with Southern breeding, my grandmother would have despised today’s racists as so much “white trash” for mixing Southern “heritage” with the Nazism America was then fighting. But on matters of race my grandmother held exactly the same views as today’s white supremacists.

Tea Party Republicans now own the party and the presidency — and they warn us the gloves are off and the bare knuckles out. But so too are the white satin sheets and coarse brown shirts out of the closet. We now know exactly what these men and women are — and we shouldn’t hesitate to use the proper terms: fascists and white supremacists. A frighteningly large segment of white America no longer feels any shame about public expressions of their hate. Racism without consequence has become re-enshrined in law and Jim Crow is making a comeback. Worse, “mere” racism seems to be making the transition to fascism.

Adolf Hitler may never have been a member of the Confederacy but today’s white supremacists just as easily sieg Heil to a Nazi Hakenkreuz as they salute a Confederate flag or monument. Today it’s almost impossible to distinguish racism from fascism because, in the end, what’s the difference when dehumanization, deportation, ethnic cleansing and murder are shared objectives?

But the silver lining — if there is one — is that Charlottesville released a flood of essays, meditations and documentaries on our Original Sin, on the magnitude of our problem with white supremacy — and I must agree with Jamelle Bouie and others who identify it as a white problem.

Among the best pieces I read immediately after Charlottesville, in no particular order:

If all this is overwhelming and heartbreaking, it should be. We should be overwhelmed with shame and remorse and anger. We should be crying and we should be screaming. We can never fix what’s wrong with this country without acknowledging the deepest foundational injustice that almost every other injustice is based on.

And we can never change society without changing ourselves. It is not enough for Liberals to champion civil rights at home and deny them to others abroad. It is not enough for Liberals to ask for a minimum wage and family leave domestically, while ensuring that workers overseas work in horrific sweat shops to build iPhones and sew designer jeans. Besides white supremacy, liberal white America must firmly reject colonialism and militarism. Justice must be universal, equality must know no borders. No deity confers special blessings on the United States. We are simply one nation among two hundred and some others.

The baby in the picture was born into a narrow, racist world. Things she’d say would provoke tears and winces. Until the day she died it was obvious where she had grown up, and in what kind of world. But like all of us my mother was a work in progress and she ended up a kinder and more compassionate person than the generations that preceded her.

I must believe we all are works in progress — and so is the country each of us loves and hates with alternating passion and despondency. But if we really mean to repair it in earnest — it means not fearing to look squarely into that mirror of history.

What Happened this week

While the 45th president of the United States has been busy trying to wreck the country, you probably missed what happened this week in the Democratic Party.

This week Donna Brazile published an explosive piece in POLITICO titled “Inside Hillary Clinton’s Secret Takeover of the DNC.” In her article Brazile recounts how the DNC, sinking under $24 million of debt bequeathed by the Obama campaign, was bailed out by the Clinton machine’s financial backers. Not only that, but the party was literally turned over to Clinton to a degree that DNC officers like Brazile didn’t even know what was going on. The deal with the devil was this — the DNC would receive an “allowance” from Clinton’s Wall Street cronies and in return Clinton would control the party.

Speaking of Wall Street and Clinton, Douglas Schoen, a former Clinton advisor, penned a piece in the New York Times recently, arguing that the Democrats need Wall Street. And while it may be true that Clinton and her billionaire friends on Wall Street need each other, others would beg to differ.

Robert Borosage writes in the Nation that “the Wall Street wing of the Democratic Party will always be with us. Its policies–on financial deregulation, trade, fiscal austerity, mass incarceration, and military intervention–have been ruinous. Its political aversion to populist appeals has been self-defeating. But Wall Street has the money, so it will always enjoy upholstered think tanks, perches on op-ed pages, and gaggles of politicians eager to peddle its proposals.” Borosage points to centrist Democrats’ latest project — New Democracy — as an effort designed to convince Americans that Wall Street’s interests are their own.

And if you’ve been wondering which way the Democratic Party is headed, look no further than our own state. Seth Moulton has apparently been identified as its new face. As a Slate article points out, “the Massachusetts congressman is a white, centrist, Harvard-educated war hero who wants to remake the Democratic Party. Too bad no one wants that.” The Democrats and their “Better Deal” are intended to appeal to white, monied voters. To hell with everyone else.

While Clinton — to this day — still blames everyone but herself for her 2016 loss, this week a group of progressive Democrats issued their own report discussing what happened and what needs to change: AUTOPSY: The Democratic Party in Crisis. If you want to skip to the bottom line, read the executive summary. But several important important takeaways must be mentioned:

  • The Democratic National Committee and the party’s congressional leadership remain bent on prioritizing the chase for elusive Republican voters over the Democratic base: especially people of color, young people and working-class voters overall.
  • After suffering from a falloff of turnout among people of color in the 2016 general election, the party appears to be losing ground with its most reliable voting bloc, African-American women. “The Democratic Party has experienced an 11 percent drop in support from black women according to one survey, while the percentage of black women who said neither party represents them went from 13 percent in 2016 to 21 percent in 2017.”
  • One of the large groups with a voter-turnout issue is young people, “who encounter a toxic combination of a depressed economic reality, GOP efforts at voter suppression, and anemic messaging on the part of Democrats.”
  • “Emerging sectors of the electorate are compelling the Democratic Party to come to terms with adamant grassroots rejection of economic injustice, institutionalized racism, gender inequality, environmental destruction and corporate domination. Siding with the people who constitute the base isn’t truly possible when party leaders seem to be afraid of them.”

Finally, if you are a progressive and still harbor the delusional hope that the Democratic “big tent” is big and broad enough to accommodate you, think again.

Last week the DNC purged Sanders surrogates from the party leadership. Only Keith Ellison remains but he is isolated and it’s anyone’s guess how long he will maintain the pretense of party unity.

Somebody needs to be fighting for the interests of struggling and working people. But it’s obviously not going to be the Democrats.