Monthly Archives: May 2021

Sunday lynchings

I just finished Anthea Butler’s excellent book, White Evangelical Racism. Butler is an associate professor of religious studies and Africana studies at the University of Pennsylvania. Her book is tour through one aspect of our malignant American history, specifically: how a perverted “slaveholders” version of Christianity has managed to corrupt virtually every aspect of American politics over hundreds of years.

As a former Black evangelical, Butler’s book is both a repudiation of white evangelism and a challenge to it. In an interview she gave to Religion and Politics, Butler not only challenges the “cultural whiteness at the heart of evangelicalism that anyone who enters the community has to receive” but the white supremacy behind the “cultural whiteness.”

As white evangelicals reached consensus on the inferiority of non-whites, they internalized a white supremacist version of Christianity, which has guided even religious missions: “In the Reconstruction period,” Butler says, “the ‘Religion of the Lost Cause’ lamented the end of slavery and asserted that Black people were inferior. The missionary movement asserted that foreigners were ‘heathen’ in need of civilization, which was invariably couched in white expressions of Christianity.” But this is nothing new: it is at the heart of the colonialism that violently conquered the “New World.”

From Reconstruction through 1952, there was not a single year in which Black Americans were not lynched by white mobs. Most of these lynchings occurred on Sundays immediately following church services. Jamelle Bouie, writing in Slate, remarks that “these lynchings weren’t just vigilante punishments or, as the Equal Justice Initiative notes, ‘celebratory acts of racial control and domination.’ They were rituals. And specifically, they were rituals of Southern evangelicalism and its then-dogma of purity, literalism, and white supremacy.”

White evangelicals have replaced what the religious Right’s Dave Daubenmire calls sissified Christianity — that is, a traditional Christianity that deals in kindness and justice, one that doesn’t suit their purposes — with a more violent, punitive, white dominated, and male dominated version. White Evangelicals pretend that their many intrusions into politics are nothing more than the Word of a Living God. But there is barely a trace of Christ in white Evangelical Christianity — except for the sword-wielding slayer of the Second Coming. The truth is, the white evangelical movement, masquerading as a religion, is little more than cover for white supremacist politics.

If a religion can be hollowed-out to fit a political agenda, then why not also the fabric of reality? For White Evangelical America, truth is what you say it is, what you “just know,” what’s simply “common sense.” What we can’t see can’t hurt us. Everything in the Bible comes straight from God. White people are God’s gift to humanity. Being gay is a chosen lifestyle. Evolution is a lie. God will protect me from COVID-19. Slavery wasn’t so bad. It’s no surprise that reckonings with our white supremacist history, in efforts like the 1619 Project, must be firmly opposed.

No amount of fact, personal testimony, or science will convince white evangelicals of views that challenge white supremacy. Time after time their thought-leaders and politicians not only reject verifiable fact but traffic in manufactured lies, the more outrageous the better. Anything to “own” the Libs. Though the Space Station clearly shows the earth is round, it looks pretty flat down here on earth. So trust your eyes! And, anyway, the whole space program was a hoax filmed on a Hollywood back lot. For white evangelicals, if reality is too convincing, too real, then just call it a lie. And if that fails, you can always claim that God has sent you a prophetic dream or that a failed political candidate was “anointed” by God. Election results be damned.

Given white Christian America’s contempt for any reality but its own manufactured version, the Conservative media — print, online and broadcast — shows little interest in producing fact-based news but instead cranks out rightwing propaganda at a rapid pace, much of it pouring down hate on non-whites, immigrants, LGBTQ people, scientists, academics, and social justice reformers. Much of today’s Conservative media reads like the 21st Century equivalent of Julius Streicher’s Stürmer.

White evangelicals make up only 25.4% of the population but they are the largest single religious denomination in the United States, beating out non-religious Americans at 22.6%, Catholics at 20.8%, and traditional Protestants at 14.7%. 76% of white evangelicals are white, 49% live in the South and 22% in the Midwest. 66% see themselves at odds with mainstream American culture, lamenting positive changes in immigration, secularization and demographic diversity. For white evangelicals, these changes are all related. Immigration, civil rights, secularism and feminism all threaten Christian white male domination.

Which may explain why White America has chosen white evangelicals to be its voice. A recent Atlantic Magazine article notes, “These days, everyone assumes that this is just a fact of life: Evangelicals are Republicans, and Republicans are evangelicals.” The article goes on to describe how white evangelicals made themselves useful to the Republican Party and, within short order, how the Republican Party became a vessel for propagating white evangelical supremacy. This story is also recounted in Anthea Butler’s book as well. It’s a love story of two dying demographics.

But it’s not hard to see the attraction. White America fears the demographic changes that are assuredly coming. Specifically, White America fears the loss of five centuries of racial supremacy. The Republican Party — 81% white and 73% Christian — and disproportionately Southern — has cynically adopted or defended the “Lost Cause” teachings of Southern white evangelism — not to mention its monuments — and tolerates evangelical hostility to science and disregard for mainstream American views, and the many conspiracy theories that it circulates. It is no surprise that QAnon is spreading most rapidly among white evangelicals.

White America has entered a new Jim Crow era. Voting rights, along with secular freedoms, are now being threatened by the GOP and its white evangelical base in dozens of states. Support for police repression has increased. Since George Floyd’s killing, police killings are unabated. 255 more Black people have been murdered by police — the 21st Century agents of lynching. In several states laws permitting motorists to run down Black Lives Matter protesters have been signed. Permission to carry unlicensed or conceal-carry weapons have been written into law. That’s on top of “stand your ground” and dozens of clearly racist laws that permit vigilantism to varying degrees.

Now with Jim Crow just starting up again, it seems all too clear — if parts of White America could get away with it, we’d be seeing Sunday lynchings once again.

1916 after-church lynching in Waco, Texas.
1916 after-church lynching in Waco, Texas.

Becoming a Voc-Tech Teacher

Data and analysis discussed in this paper can be found online in vocational-analysis.xlsx.

Massachusetts vocational programs

There are approximately 132 high school career and vocational technical education (CVTE) programs offered at 102 locations throughout Massachusetts. In 2020 these schools and districts served a modest 63,400 vocational students out of the state’s 911,465 students. Of the Commonwealth’s vocational students, 54% are male, 46% female, 57% white, 9% African-American, 25% Hispanic, 4% Asian and 4% multi-racial. Demographics for CVTE students are not significantly different from averages for all schools in the Commonwealth, but as we will see they are frequently not representative of the communities in which they are situated.

88 of the state’s 132 vocational programs are designated N74, Non-Chapter 74 Career Technical Education (Perkins) programs; 44 are C74, Chapter 74 Approved, and 57 locations offer both C74 and N74 programs. Massachusetts offers 10 career clusters, and student participation in them is depicted in a graphic from a 2020 DESE study of vocational school outcomes:

Student demographics

Racial compositiion of vocational programs varies greatly. The Edward M. Kennedy Academy for Health Careers in Boston, for example, is 97% non-white, while Somerset Berkley Regional’s vocational program is 97% white. 22 of the 102 districts are majority-minority, and 79 are majority white. Regardless of their demographics, however, the state’s vocational schools do not reflect the racial characteristics of the “sending” school districts from which vocational students are drawn.

While 43% of the Commonwealth’s students are non-white, with the exception of Boston and a handful of Gateway cities, Massachusetts vocational schools are as white as some of the whitest suburban school districts with the highest percentages of white teachers. The following table built combining multiple DESE data sources shows the general lack of diversity of both students (and teachers) in Barnstable, Bristol, Dukes, and Plymouth counties:

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Vocational teachers are overwhelmingly white

While student diversity is lacking, so also is staffing. Incredibly, in every technical schools of all four counties shown above, all except Brockton have teaching staffs that are more than 90% white. Only four of the 28 vocational school districts depicted above have more than 2% Black or 2% Hispanic teachers.

Under-representation

One consequence of this lack of diversity is under-representation of Black, Hispanic, and Asian teachers. Providing just one example of the importance of representation, a National Education Association study found that when Black students had at least one Black teacher in grades 3-5, dropout rates fell by 30%. That improvement was even more pronounced, 39%, when Black teachers worked in underserved neighborhoods.

In the table below we see the ratio (expressed as a percentage) of teachers/students by the three largest racial categories in the SouthCoast. With with the exception of Bristol Aggie, the Plymouth Schools, and the Silver Lake School District, all SouthCoast vocational schools over-represent white students. None of the vocational schools shown even came close to matching Black and Hispanic youth percentages with teachers of the same race.

And in Bristol County, regardless of the racial composition of the community, the percentage of white teachers is always close to 95%.

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GNBVT Data: a closer look

Using data we received from DESE for a previous look at the New Bedford schools, out of 259 Greater New Bedford Vocational Technical employees in 2020, we found 145 teachers and 18 co-teachers. Of the teachers 135 were white, only 5 were Black, and there were only 3 Hispanic teachers. Looking back as far as 2008, for every year until the present all of New Bedford Voke’s co-teachers have been white.

In line with the SouthCoast numbers above, we find diversity among GNBVT general staff is almost as bad as among teachers. The number of African-American employees at GNBVT reached a maximum of 8 in 2012 (in 2020 it was 5) and the highest number Hispanic employees over twelve years of data collection was 10 in 2017 (it has since dropped to 6). And it gets worse when you start looking at specific jobs.

All-White or Whites-Only?

All of the following job classifications at GNBVT have been all-white since 2008:

Superintendent; Principal; School Business Officer; Special Education Administrator; the Directors of English, History, Social Studies, Math, Science, Technology; Librarians; Media Center Director; School Psychologist; School Nurse; Special Education Administrative Aides; Information Technology Services; and Other Administrative Support Personnel.

The Director of Guidance and Curriculum Supervisor has been all-white since 2017. Support Content instruction has been all-white since 2012. School adjustment counselors have been all-white since 2012.

Numbers like this beg the question — is GNBVT’s overly white staffing a result of market forces or of policies and practices that lead to discrimination, such as patronage, unfair hiring practices, or outright racism?

Admissions

A common complaint about Vocational Technical schools is that they are not only disproportionately white, but that admission policies and informal recruitment and admission practices are designed to keep them that way.

Massachusetts currently has about 63,400 vocational students, a small portion of the state’s almost one million students. A 2019 a state study of vocational school admissions found that there were 1.75 applications for every admission.

Law- and policy-makers have been looking at ways to expand CVTE opportunities, but for now the goal is to make the admissions process fairer. The same study found that there were two main obstacles to admission for non-white children — (1) an “awareness gap,” basically student lack of familiarity with CVTE options; and (2) an “opportunity gap,” in which children are denied access by others.

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For most readers it will not come as a shock to learn that white students were most likely to be admitted, while students of color, English language learners, and economically disadvantaged had their applications placed on the back burner, receiving statistically lower admissions.

Worse, the applications process most schools use is a competitive system based on grades, discipline records, attendance, recommendations, and even interviews. In the past, if it is not still current practice, children are often given priority if a sibling already attends the vocational school. Jack Livramento of UIA objects to an application process that looks like an admission to Harvard. “Vocational schools are public schools.”

Community groups like United Interfaith Action, the NAACP, the American Federation of Teachers, the North Atlantic Carpenter’s Union, as well as a group of 23 mayors all weighed in on the results, urging reforms to the admission process. New Bedford mayor Jon Mitchell suggested a lottery. “It’s good enough for charter schools. It is above board. It is. It can be verified.” The Vocational Education justice Coalition, Citizens for Public Schools, UIA, La Collaborativa, and the Massachusetts Community Action Network have all backed the idea of a lottery.

The Vocational Educations Justice Coalition faults the admissions of students highly likely to abandon their learned trade in favor of a four-year college because it is both harmful to the trades as well as unfair to students not on an academic track. The DESE study cited previously notes that “CTE concentrators are less likely to complete a college degree than the statewide average.” And that “while CTE may be thought of as a means to increase earnings and education, it has also often been seen as an educational model that might reduce adverse outcomes. This is of particular importance for students who face social and economic disadvantages that may make them vulnerable to negative outcomes after high school.” In addition, a 2018 survey of CVTE outcomes currently only 33% of all Chapter 74 vocational students end up working in the career field for which they were trained, while that number is 12% for N74 programs. 18% never enroll in college and 45% enroll in college but never complete it.

State recognition of the problem

State Rep. Alice Peisch and state Sen. Jason Lewis, co-chairs of the Joint Committee on Education, have proposed the Educator Diversity Act (HD.3641/SD.2208), which has four parts that address hiring of minority teachers. The Educator Diversity Act simplifies the path to educator licensure, establishes hiring guidelines, mandates diversity programs and officers, and quantifies the efforts to increase diversity by collecting data and publishing statistics.

Addressing the “awareness gap,” Minuteman Regional Voke Superintendent Edward Boquillon suggests that vocational schools be given student information from the sending school district so that students who are not aware of the programs can be contacted and invited to apply. One of the key findings in a separate 2020 DESE study of vocational school outcomes was that a “majority of 8th grade students reported that they receive enough information to make an informed high school choice, but a significantly lower proportion of students of color reported this than did white students.”

From trades worker to trades teacher

White non-Hispanic Americans represent roughly 60.1% of the population, Hispanic Americans 18.5%, African-Americans 13.4%, Asians 5.6%, Multiple races 2.8%, Native American slightly under 1%, and Pacific Islanders 0.2%. We want workplaces to look like society in general, but we also want teachers, especially, to look like the students they instruct and for whom they serve as role-models.

We want to turn more trades people of color into trades teachers of color.

Since vocational teachers come straight from the vocations they teach, do enough non-white skilled technical workers exist to be able to move into teaching vocational courses? In order to explain an almost complete absence of vocational teachers of color we need to take a quick look.

For years the Department of Labor’s Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) has produced annual reports showing white, Black, Hispanic, and Asian labor participation in hundreds of job classifications. There are many BLS job classifications (Carpenters, Electricians, Plumbers, Hairdressers, etc.) that can be directly mapped to both the 10 career clusters mentioned previously and to specific vocations (Carpentry, Electrical, Plumbing, Cosmetology, etc). We chose over 70 classifications that mirror some of these career tracks..

Skilled Black workers are represented in the labor force in percents greater than representation in the general population for the following professions:

Building and grounds cleaning and maintenance occupations; Cardiovascular technologists and technicians; Child, family, and school social workers; Childcare workers; Correctional officers and jailers; Credit counselors and loan officers; Cutting, punching, and press machine setters, operators, and tenders, metal and plastic; Education and childcare administrators; First-line supervisors of correctional officers; Food preparation and serving related occupations; Hairdressers, hairstylists, and cosmetologists; Home health aides; Human resources workers; Industrial truck and tractor operators; Janitors and building cleaners; Licensed practical and licensed vocational nurses; Miscellaneous health technologists and technicians; Motor vehicle operators, all other; Office and administrative support occupations; Office and administrative support workers, all other; Other metal workers and plastic workers; Packaging and filling machine operators and tenders; Security guards and gambling surveillance officers; Stationary engineers and boiler operators; Television, video, and film camera operators and editors.

Skilled Hispanic workers are represented in the labor force in percents greater than representation in the general population for the following professions:

Building and grounds cleaning and maintenance occupations; Carpenters; Construction and extraction occupations; Construction laborers; Farming, fishing, and forestry occupations; Industrial truck and tractor operators; Janitors and building cleaners; Miscellaneous agricultural workers; Packaging and filling machine operators and tenders; Sewing machine operators.

Skilled Asian workers are represented in the labor force in percents greater than representation in the general population for the following professions:

Architecture and engineering occupations; Cardiovascular technologists and technicians; Computer hardware engineers; Computer, automated teller, and office machine repairers; Electrical and electronic engineering technologists and technicians; Food preparation and serving related occupations; Healthcare practitioners and technical occupations; Marketing managers; Massage therapists; Miscellaneous health technologists and technicians; Motor vehicle operators, all other; Other engineering technologists and technicians, except drafters; Sewing machine operators.

There is, then, absolutely no reason that many of these skilled trades people could not transition to vocational teachers. There is plenty of skill out there. All that’s lacking are the teacher certifications.

Becoming a vocational teacher

On May 20, 2021 the NAACP New Bedford Branch hosted Jarrod Lussier, an administrator at Greater New Bedford Voke, who addressed the monthly General Meeting and gave a short overview of the process of becoming a vocational teacher.

Lussier was previous a Chapter 74 plumbing instructor at Southeastern Regional Vocational High School. He invites anyone interested in becoming a vocational teacher to contact him and he is making his presentation available with the disclaimer that it is “on my own behalf and not as a representative of either [GNBVT or Southeastern] district.”

To protect and serve – themselves

When Citizens for Juvenile Justice published their study of racially-biased police stops in New Bedford, We are the Prey, the usual Only Blue Lives Matter voices savaged the report, completely rejecting the possibility that racist policies and personnel may be operating within the New Bedford Police Department.

But no one should have been shocked by the results. Most American cities have long suffered from racist policing, as hundreds of studies over the years have amply documented and other cities have even acknowledged.

CFJJ’s report — informed by data the NBPD itself supplied — shows precisely how, when, where, by whom, and why racial profiling is done. Its findings faulted vague disciplinary policies, poor data collection, arbitrary assignment of youth to an opaque gang database, over-policing in certain neighborhoods, clear over-policing of Black and Hispanic youth, and a relatively small number of officers doing most of the racial profiling. In fact, CFJJ identified the NBPD’s “Top Ten” on page 16 of their report.

This small number of officers whom CFJJ found responsible for the many racially-motivated stops was cited in an Amicus Brief on a racial profiling case now before the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court. The case concerns the New Bedford Police gang unit’s pretextual stop of a vehicle with a backseat passenger well-known to the unit.

The gang unit officers who searched and arrested passenger Zahkuan J. Bailey-Sweeting after the driver supposedly made an unsafe lane change included at least three officers responsible for the most stops in the CFJJ data. These three officers — Roberto DaCunha, Gene Fortes, and Kory Kubik — alone accounted for one of seven stops in the CFJJ data. Bogus, and very likely unconstitutional, traffic violations no doubt help inflate these officers’ numbers.

I was curious to see if any of these officers appeared in a “Professional Standards” document the NBPD released to the public last year. The NBPD spreadsheet shows a backlog of police complaints over many years with a status (filed, sustained, not, exonerated). The cases go back as far as 2012.

So I cross-referenced the NBPD complaints and disciplinary issues on all officers mentioned in the CFJJ report, using the number preferred by the NBPD — number of stops — rather than CFJJ’s number of individuals affected by those stops. The result was a spreadsheet shown in the image above (available for download).

Even if one stop targeted five individuals, I only looked at discrete officer stops. The results were only slightly different from CFJJ’s, but even when using NBPD’s preferred metric the results still showed a high degree of racial profiling, an apparent lack of officer discipline, and they suggest a culture of police impunity.

CFJJ’s analysis by race depended on counting individuals affected by the police. But mine was focused on the police officers making those stops. Five officers accounted for almost 25% of all stops, eleven accounted for 40%, and eighteen officers accounted for 50%. There was nothing in those results to contradict CFJJ’s conclusions — even using NBPD’s preferred metric.

One officer — Roberto DaCunha — alone accounted for 6.6% all individual stops. That’s one out of fifteen of all stops supplied to CFJJ by the NBPD. And DaCunha did it without incurring even a single disciplinary write-up — ever. In addition to his involvement in the Bailey-Sweeting stop, DaCunha is the same officer named in a lawsuit for the wrongful death of Erik Aguilar, which cost the City of New Bedford almost a million dollars to settle. In the investigation that followed, DaCunha invoked the Fifth Amendment and investigators appeared to be satisfied with that. The Aguilar family’s lawsuit maintained that DaCunha and four others “knew that leaving Mr. Aguilar in this position could cause him to die from asphyxia, yet they did not move him from this position until after his heart had stopped beating.”

I do not have list of officers in the gang unit. However, none of the officers in the gang unit whose names I recognize from past news reports or from Malcolm Gracia’s murder appear to have racked up any consequential disciplinary complaints. And many of the officers with the highest numbers of stops either received no disciplinary write-ups — or received write-ups for only relatively minor issues: mishandling evidence or failing to report for duty. This seems to suggest that their racial profiling is either condoned or incentivized.

Some of the more troubling disciplinary issues among New Bedford’s Finest include: Civility; Respect of Others; Violation of General Order 3-20 Anti-Discrimination policy; Violation of General Order 12-02 Use of Force; Knowledge of laws; Commission of an act of abusive conduct; Immoral Conduct Conduct unbecoming; Conduct injurious to the public; Neglect of Duty; Insubordination; Suspicious Conduct; [Not] Speaking the truth; Issuing False Statements; Consorting with Criminals; Use of intoxicants; Physical and mental fitness; Return of Property to Owner; Absent without Leave; and Ignorance of Departmental Rules and Regs.

Year after year officers keep violating the same policies over and over, yet they remain on the force. Chris Cotter, for example, who also serves on the New Bedford School Committee, has violated computer and social media policies repeatedly since 2014, as his sustained disciplinary cases attest.

14-1752 502.2 Respect of others; 14-1752 502.3 Civility; 14-1752 Viol of General Order 2-13 – Computer Usage Policy; 15-1796 Viol of General Order 13-06 – Use of Dept. Vehicle; 15-1796 Viol of General Order 2-13 – Computer Usage Policy; 16-1822 Viol of General Order 2-13 – Computer Usage Policy; 16-1822 Viol of General Order 3-24 – Social Media Policy; 17-1856 Viol of General Order 3-24 – Social Media Policy; 17-1856 Viol of General Order 7-02 Release of info to media; 17-1857 515.6(c) Insubordination – Disrespect for ranking officer; 18-1951 502.2 Civility; 18-1951 501.6 Providing police service on duty; 18-1951 501.9 Answering questions; 18-1951 515.6(l) Improperly performing duties assigned; 19-2009 515.6(c) Insubordination; 19-2009 502.2 Civility; 19-2009 502.3 Respect of Others

Paul Hodson, accused of killing Erik Aguilar in 2010, had no disciplinary issues until 2019 when he was written up for: [19-1992] 515.6(o) Commission of any act contrary to the order and discipline of the dept; and 501.1 Suspicious conduct. Despite repeatedly and publicly disparaging minorities on social media, Hodson happily enjoyed departmental impunity — until he was finally sent away on federal child pornography charges in 2019.

Damien Vasconcelos, who was also named in the Aguilar lawsuit for failure to render aid and apparently gave Hodson a congratulatory fist bump at the scene, had several, mostly low-level, disciplinary issues sustained.

When you read through the Professional Standards cases, it is striking that in any other job authoritarians, racists, drunks, liars, rude employees, no-shows, and insubordinates would be quickly sent packing.

Unfortunately, the data shows that New Bedford police are doing a far better job of serving themselves and covering their own backs than protecting and serving the people of New Bedford.

Racism by design

When the Citizens for Juvenile Justice report on racial profiling by the New Bedford Police was released in April 2021, the usual police zealots and members of city government attacked CFJJ’s numbers and screamed that New Bedford was different from those “other” cities. We couldn’t possibly be racists.

But it’s not as if police racism has ever been a secret or a surprise. For years local governments everywhere have brushed off community complaints of racial profiling, harassment, and police violence. But over the years a massive body of research has been amassed, showing that — and precisely how — so many of our institutions are corrupted by institutional racism. Sure, there may be a few bad apples in the barrel, but the point is — the barrel itself is rotten. But again, we have long known this and also how to fix it. We just choose not to.

Below is just a small selection of articles on racial profiling available in April 2021, as the Citizens for Juvenile Justice Report was released. While hardly exhaustive, they demonstrate that the NBPD’s racial profiling of Black and Hispanic youth is not unheard of. Everywhere. CFJJ’s numbers are not anomalous. At least one article makes the case that statistical data like CFJJ’s not only confirms the reality of racial profiling, but “furthermore, strong statistical associations should support an inference of discriminatory intent.”

And I agree. Politicians and policy experts have known about the many insidious forms of racial profiling and their costs to society’s most vulnerable for decades, as these articles illustrate. And when cities know the costs of racial profiling and racist policing and still refuse to stop it, then, yes, that’s racism by design.